The case of the US
The tragic death of George Floyd was the starting point for many demonstrations against racism around the world. For the US, it was just another violent killing of a black man by the police. The history of the US is full of such brutal police violence. The mixture or combination of racism and police brutality have resulted all too often in the death of black lives. “Black lives matter“ is therefore an appropriate response to actions that prove that for part of US society - and especially many in the police force - black lives do not matter. But is is not only police brutality that proves that black lives do not matter, or at least matter less.
It is inequality and poverty that demonstrate such a “careless“ attitude. For example, the median household net wealth of African Americans is a tenth of that of white Americans. And this ratio has not changed since 1990. African Americans still have to fight for economic equality. And thus the US protests are not only about race but also about class. The Financial Times recently wrote: “Black communities have been struggling for decades with economic insecurity that has over the past 20 years or so, come to impact an ever broader group.“
In addition, African Americans are often stuck in segregated neighborhoods. And if we consider that not all too long ago interracial marriage was illegal in several American states, it comes as no surprise that racism is still flourishing. Racism, economic deprivation, social segregation, and prejudices confirm and support each other. As the Nigerian writer Ben Okri summarized it: “Racism is merely the mythology of power seeded into the culture of a people....it reflects the current reality of power relations.“ And as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet wrote in a recent Tweet: “From poor health care to inadequate education, limited job advancement, refusals of housing and mortgage loans, ill-treatment by officials, practical restrictions on the right to vote & over-incarceration, racial discrimination harms millions of people.“
Racism and colonialism
These power relations are also what people around the globe seek to address with their demonstrations. And with these protests, we come immediately to the decisive role of colonialism. Colonialism is often regarded and interpreted as something of the past. But it is not really past and should not be forgotten, especially as many monuments to colonial masters can be found in towns of former colonial powers, including the United Kingdom, France, and the US. It is interesting that the United States often rejects any colonial debts or responsibility. But many Americans actively traded slaves. They brought slaves to the US and offered slaves to Latin American countries, for example for coffee plantations in Brazil. Offering slaves for the plantations and putting pressure on these countries to get cheap coffee is one link that has given a lot of benefits to the American people.
In a recent discussion on Global Citizenship Education organized by the Vienna Ustinov Institute, the question was raised whether the issue of racism is at the moment overemphasized in relation to sexism and social inequality. The answer given by academics during this discussion was that due to the fact that racism was mostly denied as an issue of research and teaching, there is certainly a deficit to be made up for. I added that the issue of racism is most closely connected with economic and social inequality. But of course, there are also white people among the poor, and sexism is a general issue that must not be put aside. Regardless, all these critical issues have been neglected for a long time, and their importance has been deliberately denied. For all of these issues, there is a lot to catch up on. But we should not miss the chance of people expressing serious concerns about racism and ongoing colonialism to promote justice and equality between the races - even as the expression “race” itself can be questioned as neither valid nor scientifically justified.
The falling of monuments
Within Europe, France, the UK, and Belgium are the principle beneficiaries of colonialism. Therefore it is specifically in these countries that the protests in the aftermath of the killing of George Floyd are targeting monuments that present colonial masters as heroes. Even people who in the past thought about reconciling colonial masters with their subordinates are now fighting for a new policy concerning such monuments. Ann Olivarius, a lawyer close to Nelson Mandela and a former Rhodes Scholar, is one of them. In a recent contribution to the Financial Times, she wrote: “I now think Oxford should dethrone Rhodes and install two rather different figures. One male, one female, both black, they would stand for an Oxford that still honours its legacy but also welcomes, along with so many people marching and kneeling today, a diverse future......the work of escaping the legacy of colonialism and racism has barely began.“
What should we do with these statues, and what should go up instead? Some propose putting these monuments into museums and using them as witnesses of historical events. In a museum, one can show the historical context and complexity and introduce arguments and counter-arguments. Many of these “heroes“ also made positive contributions that should not be entirely hidden. Either way, the destruction or relocation of monuments does not mean that history is being erased. This depends on what is done with these monuments.
Between King Leopold and Winston Churchill
There are clear cases where there is no doubt that certain individuals were responsible for systematic atrocities and killings. The Belgian King Leopold is without a doubt personally responsible for an especially cruel colonial domination in Congo. And many others after him were responsible for continuing a selfish exploitation of Congo even after its independence. They organized a disastrous system of “decolonization.“ That also black Africans such as Congo’s long-time President Mobutu Sese Seko played a direct role in exploiting and killing many Congolese does not diminish the role of those white colonialists who were responsible for killing Prime Minister Lumumba and profiting from Mobutu‘s dictatorship. Similarly, the infamous German General Lothar von Trotha, who ordered the mass killings of the Herero people of Namibia, can be added to the clear cases.
There are other cases where the evaluation of a political life is more difficult. Take for example Winston Churchill. He supported for a long time British colonialism. In particular, he is widely held to be co-responsible for the Bengali famine of 1943. It is well-known and proved - not least by the work of the Nobel Prize Laureate Amartya Sen - that it was not a climate-driven draught but a famine due to “neglect” by the British government under Churchill. Yes, he was also a hero during World War II, but on the other hand he did not take care of people starving and dying in India. His record is thus quite ambivalent, which is not always easy to grapple with. But the public should have access to a complete and balanced picture of that historical personality. Unfortunately, today only one side is presented in history and school books.
Another way to encourage debate and historical justice is to build monuments reminding people of the African slave trade. But such a “slavery memorial,“ as it is proposed in London, can also stir controversy. I remember the debate about the memorial against fascism in Vienna by Alfred Hrdlicka when I became responsible for urban planning and had to fight for its construction against right-wing groups and some negative media coverage. In addition, some Jewish representatives did not want to see a humiliated Jew represented by the artist. In the end, Alfred Hrdicka was able to realize his work with a Jew on his knees, but it still raises some strange feelings. Either way, victims who fought - successfully - against oppression and colonialism are the best symbols to be presented to the public. To show and present those who fought against oppression and slavery is the best way to honour victims and motivate people to continue the fight for justice.
Rudyard Kipling, in convincing the Americans to colonize the Philippines, spoke about the “White Man’s Burden.“ But the burden was and is not on the shoulders of the colonial powers and their representatives, but rather on the shoulders of the oppressed and those fighting for freedom, justice, and equitable international relations. The recent protests, even considering the tragic cause, should be used to end the myth of the white man’s burden. Furthermore, the Europeans in general - and not only the “classical” colonial powers - must take responsibility for the unfair burden-sharing, in the past and present. A British Home Secretary in 1928 defined colonialism concerning India honestly: “It is said in missionary meetings that we conquered India to raise the level of the Indians. That is cant. We conquered India as an outlet for the goods of Britain.”
Europe as a whole must act
We should not treat colonial exploitation as something of the past and of concern for colonial empires only. This is an issue where William Faulkner’s phrase is especially valid: “The past is never dead. It is not even past.“ From the very beginning, colonial exploitation was and still is for the benefit of the – predominately white – population of the richer countries. From coffee and cacao to rare minerals, the citizens of Europe and other wealthy regions are the primary beneficiaries. Child labour, the destruction of forests, and the degradation of the environment are rarely of concern for the consumers of the relevant products. And the companies engaged in extracting, producing, and trading these products rarely have an interest in telling the truth about the circumstances of their production and trade.
Unfortunately, many politicians are afraid that transparency and fair production and trade would raise the price for consumers. Perhaps it would primarily reduce the profits for producers and traders, but price effects cannot be excluded. Of course it will not be easy to change consumption patterns and lay open the responsibility by all of us for global distortions, especially in times of rising unemployment and insecurity. Even if the main responsibility lies with multinational production and trading companies, the end consumers cannot deny all responsibility.
As consumers, we should not accept advantages and benefits that are the results of unfair and destructive conditions at the origin of the products we consume. It is not only up to the classical colonial powers to act and strive for just trade and economic relations. All European countries and citizens have to act. Unfair trade that furthers and deepens the income and wealth gap, in addition to violating the principles of sustainability, does not promote peace. These practices will ultimately have destructive effects across the globe, including among relatively rich white people., As one demonstrator made it clear recently: “Without justice, no peace.”
Dr. Hannes Swoboda, President of the International Institute for Peace (IP), started his career in urban politics in Vienna and was elected member of the European Parliament in 1996. He was Vice President of the Social Democrat Group until 2012 und then President until 2014. He was particularly engaged in foreign, enlargement, and neighborhood policies. Swoboda is also President of the Vienna Institute for International Economics, the Centre of Architecture, the University for Applied Science - Campus Vienna, and the Sir Peter Ustinov Institute.